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This paper argues that despite the difference of topic there is an underlying consensus on the public-private dichotomy. Benjamin R. Barber, 'Conceptual Foundations of Totalitarianism', in Carl J. Friedrich et al. (eds), Totali'tananism in Perspective: Three Views (New York, 1969) 34. Stepan, State and Society, 14. J. S. Senators and Their World (New York, 1960); P. Bachrach and M. Baratz, 'Two Faces of Power', Amen·can Political Science Review, 56 (December 1962) 947-52; P. Bachrach and M. Baratz, 'Decisions and Non-Decisions: An Analytic Framework', Amen'can Political Science Review, 57 (September 1963) 632-42.
Others - primarily attitudinal groups - are left out. Under classical pluralism, of course, no group is left out except of its own volition. In pluralist models, the emphasis is on conflict; in corporatism, consensus and cooperation. Groups do not compete with one another through the state to obtain more for themselves. Instead, they are brought together by the state in active cooperation to achieve more for all; harmony is the watchword of a corporatist regime. . Conflict is still present, but held in check by the state's promise that all will get something and few, if any, will lose.
58. 59. 60. 61. 62. 63. 64. 65. 66. 67. 68. 69. Pluralism z"n the Sovz"et Unz"on governed by a 'power elite'. For example, see Kenneth Prewitt and Allan Stone, The Ruling Elites (New York, 1973). To be sure Robert Dahl and his colleagues did use their notion of pluralism to argue against Mills's image of America run by a power elite. But I suggest the reason that the refutation of Mills seemed so urgent was that Mills had refused to distinguish between democracy and totalitarianism as types of mass society.