By Edward C. Banfield
Most of the essays during this quantity have seemed in scholarly journals or in books edited by means of others. a couple of are released the following for the 1st time. None has been taken from one in all my books. A would-be reader must visit a lot hassle to discover them; that's the reason for bringing them jointly. Collections of essays are often miscellanies. This one isn't. aside from the ultimate chapters, all take care of a few point of the yank political method. a few need to do with the constitution and functioning of the federal procedure, others with the character of publi(}-and by the way other-organization, and nonetheless others with the factors and intended treatments of the social difficulties that executive is these days anticipated to resolve or focus on. the 2 ultimate chapters are concerning the courting among economics and political technological know-how; for loss of a greater time period they're methodological.
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14Lucian W. Pye, "The Politics of Southeast Asia," eds. C. Almond and J. Coleman, The Politics of the Developing Areas (Princeton, N. : Princeton University Press, 1969), 97. IN DEFENSE OF THE AMERICAN PARTY SYSTEM 31 other hand, "the Philippine electorate seems to recognize that the most fundamental question in politics is who is going to control the government, and thus, while the parties have not had to expend much effort in trying to distinguish themselves ideologically from each other, the expenditures of money on political campaigns in the Philippines are probably the highest in proportion to per capita income of any country in the world.
16 What this means is not at all clear. Responsibility here seems to be a synonym for accountability, that is, the condition of being subject to being called to account and made to take corrective action in response to criticism. In the case of a party, this can mean nothing except going before an electorate, and in this sense all parties are by definition responsible. "17 Leaving aside both the question of what" responsibility" means when applied to a party and the more important one of whether as a matter of practical politics such "readjustments" could be made, let us consider how the political system would probably be affected by the changes proposed.
The assertion ofinterests (as distinguished from principles) would be encouraged. The profit minded, the sectional minded, and the nationality minded would in effect give up representation on matters of principle in order to get it on matters involving their interests. Thus two different systems of representation would work simultaneously. The party leader would act as a trustee, disregarding interests in favor of principles. ("Congress represents locality, the President represents the nation," Ford wrote in 1898.