By Jan Teorell
What are the determinants of democratization? Do the standards that flow nations towards democracy additionally aid them chorus from backsliding towards autocracy? This e-book makes an attempt to reply to those questions via a mixture of a statistical research of social, fiscal, and foreign determinants of regime swap in a hundred sixty five nations all over the world in 1972-2006, and case research paintings on 9 episodes of democratization happening in Argentina, Bolivia, Hungary, Nepal, Peru, the Philippines, South Africa, Turkey, and Uruguay. The findings recommend that democracy is promoted through long term structural forces comparable to monetary prosperity, but in addition through peaceable well known uprisings and the institutional setup of authoritarian regimes. within the short-run, notwithstanding, elite actors may well play a key function, relatively throughout the value of intra-regime splits. Jan Teorell argues that those effects have vital repercussions either for present theories of democratization and for the foreign community's attempt in constructing rules for democracy merchandising.
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Additional resources for Determinants of Democratization: Explaining Regime Change in the World, 1972-2006
The present approach 33 How should democracy be measured? Favoring a continuous measure of democracy does not settle this matter, since even then there are several to choose from. In Gerardo L. Munck and Jay Verkuilen’s (2002) broad conceptual and methodological assessment of most empirical measures of democracy in use to date, the two most favored graded indices were Michael Coppedge and Wolfgang Reinicke’s (1990) “polyarchy” scale, and Axel Hadenius’ (1992) “index of democracy” (Munck and Verkuilen 2002, p.
Thus, I will not test any singular explanatory approach, but rather a vast range of theoretical predictions stemming from several approaches. This eclectic strategy will, as a ﬁrst step in each of the following ﬁve substantive 14 An exception has in recent years evolved among area specialists studying democratization within different world regions, such as Sub-Saharan Africa (Bratton and van de Walle 1997), the post-communist countries (Fish 1998; Bunce 2000; McFaul 2002), and Latin America (Mainwaring and Pérez-Liñán 2003; 2005a).
7 Third, despite efforts to relate the basic class interests to characteristics of the regime, the social forces tradition has problems in clearly specifying under what conditions different classes support or oppose democracy. Rueschemeyer et al. (1992) move in the right direction by stressing that labor’s embrace of democracy is socially constructed – not predetermined by class position in the class structure. However, they fail to point out the same predicament for other social classes, and they lack a theory for explaining the process of preference formation even for labor (cf.