By Grzegorz Ekiert, Stephen E. Hanson
Together with essays by way of numerous major modern experts, this quantity addresses the level to which postcommunist societies have effectively institutionalized democratic politics and capitalist industry economies over a decade after the cave in of the Soviet bloc. because the first quantity to use a scientific "comparative old" method of the subject material, it finds the proper social, cultural, and geographical constraints and possibilities dealing with postcommunist reformers.
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Extra info for Capitalism and Democracy in Central and Eastern Europe: Assessing the Legacy of Communist Rule
Is theory-dependent) and thus problematic. g. Freedom in the World or Polity IV), some Western democracies paradoxically have no room for improvement, as they reach top marks in all the indicators. See Dufek and Holzer (2013). 5See the work by Alain Badiou, Jacques Rancière, Slavoj Žižek and others. 6As exemplified by Badiou’s (2011, p. 15) thesis that we become real democrats only after we become modern-day communists. 7Even though we are of the view that imbuing established concepts with ad libitum content or meaning, as dictated by one’s ideological priorities, is a rather precarious matter in the context of democracy (see Dufek unpublished).
One explanation was given by Andrew Roberts, who argues that people’s perceptions of the quality of democracy are often influenced by considerations not directly related to democracy understood as conditions of the institutionalisation of popular rule (construed by Roberts as a combination of policy responsiveness, mandate responsiveness and electoral accountability; cf. Roberts, 2010). However, this would be a conclusive point only if we adopted – as Roberts does – a ‘minimalist’ definition of democracy (for one type of critique, see Blokker, 2008).
Although the sources of this ‘democratic malaise’ are numerous, the ‘usual suspects’ almost always include the capitalist economic system (fuelled by globalisation) and its attendant injustices, and the decrease in citizen participation in most representative democracies (Buchstein and Jörke, 2007). 6 Indeed, many authors concur that contemporary democracies are in crisis. Paul Blokker has recently expressed this belief about the new post-communist democracies. He specifically focuses on what he takes to be a pathological dominance of a rigid, technocratic constitutionalism, as well as of a formal, electoral understanding of democracy, over the normative democratic ideal of maximizing public involvement in decision-making on constitutional rules (Blokker, 2014).