By Angus Hawkins
Among 1852 and 1886 British politics moved from a method of 'parliamentary executive' in the direction of a get together procedure. This publication seems at why and the way this alteration occurred and analyses the long term implications it had for British politics.
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Extra info for British Party Politics, 1852–1886
50 During the Crimean War the patriotic and Russophobic strands in much popular radical sentiment, especially in London, emphasised Palmer42 Parliamentary Government stan's appeal and Bright's isolation. None the less, radicalism survived within Westminster as a populist solvent of Whiggish precepts. In 1852 approximately 55 MPs (30 self-declared Radicals or Radical Reformers and roughly 25 MPs describing themselves as Liberals) regularly voted in Commons divisions against the Whigs. This diverse group included veteran Philosophic Radicals such as John Roebuck and other survivors from the 1830s; independent Liberals such as George Hadfield (MP for Sheffield), Thomas Headlam (MP for Newcastle upon Tyne), and Peter Locke King (MP for East Surrey); as well as Manchester School free traders such as Richard Cobden (MP for the West Riding of Yorkshire) and John Bright (MP for Manchester).
37 Peel played little part in the formal organisation of the Conservative party during the 1830s. He supplied an executive ethic around which others, notably the Conservative agent F. R. Bonham, assembled a party structure. It was therefore fitting that Peel's position as Conservative leader was confirmed by the actions of William IV in the autumn of 1834, rather than by Conservative backbench opinion. By asking Peel to form a government in December 1834, upon the Duke ofWellington's advice, the King effectively installed Peel as Conservative party leader; despite deep Conservative bitterness at Peel's apostasy over Catholic Emancipation in 1829.
The key to this was a universal suffrage; frequent, possibly annual, elections; the ballot, and freedom of information. From this would emerge a Utilitarian democracy ensuring a direct identity of interest between nation and government. The publicist of Utilitarian ideas, James Mill, built upon Bentham's critique. Rejecting the Aristotelian typology of monarchy, aristocracy, and democracy, Mill also rejected traditional arguments for the benefits of a balanced or mixed constitution, whereby merging types of government secured the benefits of each, while purging them of their attendant defects.