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By Peter Sarris, Matthew Dal Santo, Phil Booth

The papers amassed during this quantity discover the thoughts wherein Christian professionals through the early medieval international either validated and expressed their social place, whereas whilst drawing awareness to the moments whilst those self same techniques have been resisted and challenged. the place past reviews of Christianisation have for the main half approached the difficulty of dissent in the course of the endured life of paganism and a few of the Christian heresies, this quantity means that the adventure of doubt in the direction of, and articulation of resistance to, the claims of Christian leaders prolonged a ways outdoors the circles of pagan intellectuals and dissident theologians. the result's a view of Christianisation as way more piecemeal, advanced and incomplete than has usually been acknowledged.Contributors comprise Peter Turner, Peter Kritzinger, Collin Garbarino, Philip wooden, Ralph Lee, Richard Payne, Mike Humphreys, Giorgia Vocino, and Gerda Heydemann.

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Extra info for An Age of Saints? Power, Conflict and Dissent in Early Medieval Christianity (Brill's Series on the Early Middle Ages)

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P. Burton, Augustine: Confessions (London, 2001), 182–183. 48 Augustine’s subtle invocation of the spontaneity principle provides a new argument for supporting the historicist position. To date, controversy about the historicity of the incident has focussed on Augustine’s retrospective view: how willing and able was he to tell the truth about the detail of his conversion some ten years later? But if we recognize the spontaneity principle not just as a textual device designed to persuade others, but as a test of reality applicable to one’s immediate situation, then we can consider the possibility that the doubts he recorded and overcame were not at all decorative, but in fact a definitive element of the episode and precisely what allowed him to treat it as an epiphany.

1978), 139–140. sources of spiritual truthfulness in late antique texts 35 contingency and suspicious of textuality, historians of this type can underestimate the concrete effects of an alternative definition of reality contained within the sources: namely one rooted in eternity and transcendence, and of which a complete and perfect textuality, embodied for Christians not only in the Biblical text but also in the events of sacred history, was the only definitive earthly expression. The challenge this poses goes beyond empathy; rather it invites us to recognize that the mere human expectation of a reality communicated in this form can act as a means of ordering the very phenomena which constitute the historian’s subject matter.

Halm, CSEL 1 (Vienna, 1866). 21 All of these statements acknowledge the form of scepticism that derives from a suspicion of falsely transmitted information. 22 For hagiographers, however, literal truthfulness, whilst an essential value, was not enough. The stories about holy men they recorded also had to be truthful in a second sense, namely that they pointed to eternal realities about the nature of God, his universe, and his relationship with humankind. For Christians, Scripture served as an absolutely authoritative guide to all these questions, both a record of historical fact and container of inexhaustible spiritual meaning, an eternally relevant guide to the present.

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